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# Africa's Particular Liability of Foreignness
- URL: https://dennismatanda.ghost.io/africas-particular-liability-of-foreignness/
- Published: 2026-10-09T07:08:00.000Z
- Updated: 2026-10-24T09:55:10.000Z
- Description: Unfamiliarity can influence the composition of capital that does. A financier reluctant to assess local customers, suppliers and operating conditions may prefer a transaction secured by offshore revenues or a sovereign guarantee.
- Author: Dennis Matanda
- Tags: Essays

An African government can spend a fortune presenting an opportunity to an investor who can't buy it because that investor may require a minimum investment size, a currency hedge, and an asset that already earns revenue. It doesn't matter that the country offers growth, minerals, and a youthful population, all captured in an accurate, world-class presentation by competent officials in a cordial meeting. Nothing follows, because the parties have described different transactions.

International business theory helps explain this encounter. In his 1960 doctoral work, Stephen Hymer asked how firms could compete abroad against local enterprises that already understood their environment. Foreign firms needed advantages sufficient to overcome that disadvantage. Srilata Zaheer’s influential 1995 study empirically examined the liability of foreignness, finding additional costs even among banks operating foreign exchange trading rooms in New York and Tokyo. Sophistication did not abolish foreignness.

Lorraine Eden and Stewart Miller distinguished three sources of this liability: unfamiliarity with local institutions, difficulties establishing relationships, and discrimination against outsiders. These are different problems. Information can reduce unfamiliarity; repeated dealings can build trust; discrimination requires scrutiny of those who impose it. No single presentation can do all three tasks.

The theory also extends to financing. R. Greg Bell, Igor Filatotchev and Abdul Rasheed examined the disadvantages firms face when raising capital abroad. The African state’s position invites further application: a government seeking investment must understand the institutions that allocate savings, just as an incoming company must understand the economy it proposes to enter.

That encounter creates a particular difficulty. A foreign investor may struggle to distinguish an unreliable commercial environment from an unfamiliar one. An African promoter may struggle to distinguish an investor’s lack of appetite from a binding restriction. A pension fund prohibited from financing construction cannot be persuaded into becoming a project developer. Understanding its mandate lets the promoter approach a suitable counterparty or restructure the proposal.

Responsibility also belongs to the investor. Treating African markets as interchangeable substitutes is a continental label for analysis. Existing assumptions should be tested against the actual company, jurisdiction and transaction. Better disclosure deserves a corresponding willingness to revise judgement. Otherwise, the applicant pays to provide information that the gatekeeper has already decided to disregard.

These are not uniquely African problems, and their severity varies between countries. Their significance lies in the interaction between institutional discontinuity and unequal bargaining power. A government that urgently needs a transaction may concede protection before understanding the obligations it imposes on citizens.

The consequences reach beyond the investment that never arrives. Unfamiliarity can influence the composition of capital that does. A financier reluctant to assess local customers, suppliers and operating conditions may prefer a transaction secured by offshore revenues or a sovereign guarantee. Such protection can enable useful investment. But it can also leave the financier with little reason to acquire the knowledge that a more demanding productive commitment would require.

The country can therefore pay twice: through the protections needed to overcome the investor’s uncertainty, and through its own limited ability to negotiate the obligations accompanying those protections. An agreement may become easier to finance while leaving unresolved who will develop suppliers, train technicians or maintain the infrastructure. The relevant question is what the completed bargain requires each party to learn and deliver.

Addressing this problem demands institutional continuity. A promotion agency should retain the reasons investors decline, distinguish mandate problems from execution problems, and identify the public office responsible for addressing each obstacle. When an experienced official leaves, the next official should inherit a record of decisions, commitments and unresolved questions.

Knowledge also needs authority. An agency may fully understand that unpaid public invoices undermine an opportunity but lack the power to secure payment. Training its staff again will achieve little. The remedy is a dependable route from the agency’s diagnosis to a decision by the institution that controls the problem.

African development banks, commercial lenders and specialist advisers can help bridge this distance. Their value includes knowledge of borrowers and familiarity with the requirements of outside capital. Lasting institutional learning depends on whether that knowledge becomes usable beyond the individual intermediary and whether arrangements improve with experience.

Africa’s particular liability of foreignness concerns the institutional cost of becoming intelligible to capital while learning to judge capital in return. The test of investment promotion should therefore extend beyond introductions and money announced. Does the next negotiation begin with better information, clearer responsibilities and greater capacity to enforce what was agreed? If each delegation starts again, the country keeps purchasing knowledge it never learns to own.